How the draft positions brivbode: practice, bundle, or site?

“The deep interdependence between practices and material arrangements is a central theme in Schatzki’s site ontology. According to Schatzki (2002), a social site is not merely a spatial backdrop for action, but a constitutive milieu where social life unfolds across three interrelated dimensions. First, the site refers to the basic location where something happens, whether spatial, temporal, or relational. Second, it represents the broader thematic or systemic context in which specific practices are embedded. Third, the site encompasses a deeper, constitutive context that gives practices their social meaning. In social sites, actions are seldom shaped by a single practice alone but emerge from the complex interaction of multiple overlapping practices.”

Schatzki’s site ontology

“The deep interdependence between practices and material arrangements is a central theme in Schatzki’s site ontology. According to Schatzki (2002), a social site is not merely a spatial backdrop for action, but a constitutive milieu where social life unfolds across three interrelated dimensions. First, the site refers to the basic location where something happens, whether spatial, temporal, or relational. Second, it represents the broader thematic or systemic context in which specific practices are embedded. Third, the site encompasses a deeper, constitutive context that gives practices their social meaning. In social sites, actions are seldom shaped by a single practice alone but emerge from the complex interaction of multiple overlapping practices.”

Schatzki’s site ontology

Central to the further development of theories of practice for sustainable consumption has been the work of Schatzki (especially 1996, 2002). Schatzki has rigorously elaborated a social ontology of practice, in critical dialogue with the practice theories of Bourdieu, Foucault and Giddens, by way of the philosophies of Wittgenstein and Heidegger. This ontology establishes a 'strong' version of practice theory in which both social order and individuality result from practices. It asserts that there is no macro level beyond the realm of social practices, which are 'not merely "sites" of interaction but are, instead, ordering and orchestrating entities in their own right' (Shove and Walker 2010, p. 471).

Schatzki’s site ontology

“The deep interdependence between practices and material arrangements is a central theme in Schatzki’s site ontology. According to Schatzki (2002), a social site is not merely a spatial backdrop for action, but a constitutive milieu where social life unfolds across three interrelated dimensions. First, the site refers to the basic location where something happens, whether spatial, temporal, or relational. Second, it represents the broader thematic or systemic context in which specific practices are embedded. Third, the site encompasses a deeper, constitutive context that gives practices their social meaning. In social sites, actions are seldom shaped by a single practice alone but emerge from the complex interaction of multiple overlapping practices.”

Schatzki’s site ontology

“The deep interdependence between practices and material arrangements is a central theme in Schatzki’s site ontology. According to Schatzki (2002), a social site is not merely a spatial backdrop for action, but a constitutive milieu where social life unfolds across three interrelated dimensions. First, the site refers to the basic location where something happens, whether spatial, temporal, or relational. Second, it represents the broader thematic or systemic context in which specific practices are embedded. Third, the site encompasses a deeper, constitutive context that gives practices their social meaning. In social sites, actions are seldom shaped by a single practice alone but emerge from the complex interaction of multiple overlapping practices.”

(Schatzki 2005, 480)

The interview guide was organized around themes: participants' practices of acquisition and divestment, their relationship to the objects they brought and took, and the social and material dimensions of their participation in Brīvbode. While the guide included some questions on attitudes and motivations, most were designed to elicit accounts of what people actually do – how they choose what to bring, what routes objects take through their households, who does the work of sorting and transporting, and what the process of letting go feels like. Following the principles of practice-theoretical methods, the questions sought to access the practical, embodied, and often taken-for-granted dimensions of household goods circulation: the routines, competencies, and emotional labor involved in managing the flow of things. Where questions touched on values and motivations, these were treated not as explanations for behavior but as part of the meanings participants attach to their practices – an element among materials, competencies, and social arrangements in shaping how circulation is organized and reproduced.

The world of things and the pragmatic demands they make on us are central to the formation of an ethos . And with the rise of consumer cultures we have come to live with an enormous number of things. The scale of goods for sale and the amount of objects people accumulate have produced very distinct personal and domestic habits. Caring for the self has become complicated and intensified by the sheer density and diversity of possessions. While analyses of the social and economic impacts of consumption have been great for understanding the dynamics of exchange, circulation, and use, they have been less valuable for understanding our relations with the things we get rid of. For all the talk about how we occupy consumer culture there has been a cavalier disregard for the all wasted things that form an enormous part of this way of living. This book argues that it is crucial to make sense of the distinct ethos of waste that underpins consumption, to acknowledge that how we eliminate things is just as important as how we acquire them.

But if we understand reuse, in part, as an expression of care for the meaning and materials embodied in goods, what happens when people decide to part with objects of affection? Does the act of ‘letting go’ signify the termination of care? Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork tracing circuits of second-hand acquisition and divestment in Sweden, Anna Bohlin argues that the acts of caring for and letting go of objects are not necessarily contradictory. Contrary to Bauman’s observation that contemporary consumption is fleeting, ambivalent, and as short lived as our shifting identities, Bohlin observes that many people come to understand second hand objects as things-in-motion—and perform care as they pass them on for reuse, rather than disposal. Indeed, many of the interlocutors participating in Bohlin’s study were fundamentally concerned with the wastefulness of contemporary consumption and had thus come to see the ongoing circulation of objects as a fundamental moral concern. Their commitment to these objects is therefore a particular expression of ‘serial care’ extended over time and through networks of reuse. As Bohlin writes, ‘by dispersing the care for objects across a series of imagined owners, the concern with the longevity of objects can be combined with benefits of transience for the individual owner’ (Bohlin, this issue).

The interview guide was organized around themes: participants' practices of acquisition and divestment, their relationship to the objects they brought and took, and the social and material dimensions of their participation in Brīvbode. While the guide included some questions on attitudes and motivations, most were designed to elicit accounts of what people actually do – how they choose what to bring, what routes objects take through their households, who does the work of sorting and transporting, and what the process of letting go feels like. Following the principles of practice-theoretical methods, the questions sought to access the practical, embodied, and often taken-for-granted dimensions of household goods circulation: the routines, competencies, and emotional labor involved in managing the flow of things. Where questions touched on values and motivations, these were treated not as explanations for behavior but as part of the meanings participants attach to their practices – an element among materials, competencies, and social arrangements in shaping how circulation is organized and reproduced.

Commercial markets 2 for retro-, vintage and second-hand objects have undergone a dramatic expansion in the last decade across the globe (Franklin 2011: 157). Factors contributing to this expansion have been described in the introduction as well as in some of the contributions to this thematic issue (notably Fischer). In this article we suggest that a significant aspect of the new importance of second-hand and reuse concerns the meaningfulness of circulation in social life. Revisiting the long history within social anthropology of studying the mutual entanglement of material objects and human subjects, we explore circulation as an analytical tool. Circulation does things to people and objects, particularly within the field of second-hand, and we suggest that it can be seen as a culturally generative force that reconfigures objects into objects-in-motion, enabling particular forms of subjectivity. Indeed, circulation seems to be a defining aspect of second-hand objects, distinguishing them from other classic categories of objects in anthropological thinking about person-thing relationships, such as gifts, commodities, sacrifices or art objects. We hope to show that classic anthropological insights, drawn from ethnographic fieldwork there and then, married with recent anthropological contributions on people-thing relationships, have much to offer when making sense of the socio-economic significance of circulation here and now. We are intrigued by how recent writing on the concept of growing, as distinct from making (Ingold & Hallam 2014), can elucidate how circulation transforms things in motion within second-hand worlds. Developing the idea that objects have cultural biographies (Appadurai 1986; Kopytoff 1986), we propose a theoretical perspective that sees the circulation of used and second-hand things as involving a form of growth, akin to that of a living organism, in that it results from the interaction between qualities and forces both internal and external to the object. Doing this allows a view of the circulating objects not merely as things that events happen to, but as having agential capacities (cf. Gell 1998), actively contributing to shaping their fate.

While this article has sketched out some explorative perspectives on circulation as an analytical tool within the specific field of second-hand things, one can note that the broader topic of circulation deserves further attention. The analytical and theoretical affordances of the concept of circulation need to be refined and clarified. The handling of second-hand objects is a promising arena for further developing the notion of circulation and its generative capacities. Another fruitful area of research concerns the recent popularity of the term in contemporary society. Circulatory ideals and practice play an increasingly important role across a number of different social fields, reflected in discourses on circular economies and circular strategies for sustainability, from waste recycling to emerging sharing cultures and sustainable consumption. Notions of circularity seem 'good to think with' and operate as powerful idioms, promising solutions to a range of pressing social issues. From the need to de-clutter over-filled homes, while keeping consumption levels intact, to challenges of social inequalities and environmental degradation, circulation seems to offer solutions. It also interlocks with powerful moral conceptions of fitness in an ever changing world, where not only objects are in motion, but also subjects, who should never embrace anything firmly, but be prepared to swiftly engage in and disengage from social and material constellations (cf. Bauman 1998/ 2005:25). Associated with modern Enlightenment ideas of movement, change, progress and freedom, circulation is also related to non-modern forms of societal organization in which things and people are thoroughly embedded in time and place by the rationalities of connections, returns and reuses. Perhaps the current interest in circulation, and circulating things, rests on precisely the elasticity of the term, with its capacity to conjure up modern hopes and fantasies of change and progress by reawakening non-modern sensibilities of reuse, return and reappearance.

Traveling along circuits through shifting social contexts also impacts the object in question. A special issue in Cultural Anthropology (2002) devoted to the topic of ‘Value in Circulation’ argues that ‘value must be understood from a circulatory perspective’ (italics in the original, Eiss & Pedersen 2002: 286). The volume contains theoretical and empirical explorations of the notion of value as a shifting dimension of objects in motion. However, as circulation primarily comes to denote a mode of tracing ‘the continual metamorphoses of value in diverse social contexts’ (Eiss & Pedersen 2002: 286), the transformative role of circulation itself is somewhat downplayed. Benjamin Lee and Edward LiPuma, on the other hand, give circulation a greater theoretical gravity (2002). Their notion of a ‘culture of circulation’ echoes Tsing’s approach when they state that ‘more than simply the movement of people, ideas, and commodities...circulation is a cultural process’ (Lee & LiPuma 2002: 192). Their point is that circulation of people, capital, commodities and media messages in a global world do things to the societies and the markets they circulate through, performatively reconstituting them (Lee & LiPuma 2002:192-195). While this perspective is useful for understanding how the infrastructure of the second-hand market is recreated through circulation it has less to say about how circulation is constitutive of the objects themselves. Circulation acts performatively – ‘extrovertly’ – on the social contexts they circle through, as is argued by Lee and LiPuma, but it also reconfigures the inherently mutable object of circulation, acting ‘introvertly’ 5 .

Circulation thus played an important role in Malinowski’s analysis. Regarded as important primarily for how it functioned to integrate and organise society, circulation was studied in terms of the negotiation of its political, social and economic dimensions. As a theoretical phenomenon in its own right, however, circulation and, more specifically, what it does to the objects, remained somewhat in the background.

Circulation has gained new relevance in the study of globalisation, but is within this context associated with a slightly different set of issues, especially outside anthropology. Retaining its analytically imprecise character it has focused on the state of flux between the nodes of the circuit, concerned with the flows of people, objects and capital across the globe, thought to constitute a deterritorialized global condition. Circulation in the globalization discourse is thus associated with a set of rather vague analytical notions of transience, such as flows, fluidity, intensity, extensity and velocity (Scholte 2005). Embedded in this shift of focus lies the essentially liberal idea of circulation as the setting loose of natural forces of human activity through political deregulation, especially the erasure of ‘unnatural’ political constraints on markets. Circulation in the anthropology of exchange cen-

Commercial markets 2 for retro-, vintage and second-hand objects have undergone a dramatic expansion in the last decade across the globe (Franklin 2011: 157). Factors contributing to this expansion have been described in the introduction as well as in some of the contributions to this thematic issue (notably Fischer). In this article we suggest that a significant aspect of the new importance of second-hand and reuse concerns the meaningfulness of circulation in social life. Revisiting the long history within social anthropology of studying the mutual entanglement of material objects and human subjects, we explore circulation as an analytical tool. Circulation does things to people and objects, particularly within the field of second-hand, and we suggest that it can be seen as a culturally generative force that reconfigures objects into objects-in-motion, enabling particular forms of subjectivity. Indeed, circulation seems to be a defining aspect of second-hand objects, distinguishing them from other classic categories of objects in anthropological thinking about person-thing relationships, such as gifts, commodities, sacrifices or art objects. We hope to show that classic anthropological insights, drawn from ethnographic fieldwork there and then, married with recent anthropological contributions on people-thing relationships, have much to offer when making sense of the socio-economic significance of circulation here and now. We are intrigued by how recent writing on the concept of growing, as distinct from making (Ingold & Hallam 2014), can elucidate how circulation transforms things in motion within second-hand worlds. Developing the idea that objects have cultural biographies (Appadurai 1986; Kopytoff 1986), we propose a theoretical perspective that sees the circulation of used and second-hand things as involving a form of growth, akin to that of a living organism, in that it results from the interaction between qualities and forces both internal and external to the object. Doing this allows a view of the circulating objects not merely as things that events happen to, but as having agential capacities (cf. Gell 1998), actively contributing to shaping their fate.

Second-generation practice theories define consumption as happening while everyday practices are performed (Warde 2005). Practices are organized nexuses of actions that are socially shared across space and time and are linked and held together by different elements (Gram-Hanssen 2011; Roepke 2009; Schatzki 2002; Shove, Pantzar, and Watson 2012). In Schatzki's (2002) practice-theory model, these elements consist of practical understandings , meaning abilities or competences required to perform the actions of a practice; rules that instruct people to perform particular actions; teleoaffective structures that describe the ends, tasks, and projects normatively and hierarchically arranged and connected to normativized emotions to varying degrees; and general understandings that span different practices and define the manner in which practices are carried out according to certain convictions or beliefs (Schatzki 2002, 2019). While Schatzki analytically separates materiality from practices, some theorists understand materiality as a constituting element (Gram-Hanssen 2011; Shove and Pantzar 2005; Warde 2005). Within this configuration of elements, practices are produced, reproduced, and changed,

Practices as entities are thus founded or made up of three elements: materials, competences, and meanings; such elements are dynamically interconnected by qualified practitioners, through regular and repetitive performance, thus constituting the practice (Shove & Pantzar, 2005; Hargreaves, 2011; Shove et al., 2012; Spurling et al., 2013). Inspired by the viewpoints of Schatzki (2002, 2012) and Reckwitz (2002), Shove et al. (2012) proposed a sociotechnical approach for understanding the essential elements of practice and how they relate to each other. In this perspective, both human agents, that is, individuals, made up of bodies and minds (Schatzki, 2001), as non-humans (objects/artifacts), are indispensable requirements for the practice (Reckwitz, 2002; Spaargaren & Oosterveer, 2010). The human body itself is considered a material element, and the mind a component of meaning (Shove et al., 2012; Süßbauer & Schäfer, 2019). Next, Figure 1 details the three elements that make up the practice.

Recently Nicolini (2012) has surveyed in magisterial fashion the full and wide range of practice theories now in circulation. He distinguishes between: the praxeological theories of Giddens (1984) and Bourdieu (1977); practice as tradition and community (Wenger 1998; MacIntyre 1981); practice as activity (Vygotsky and cultural and historical activity theory); practice as accomplishment, in the manner of ethnomethodology; practice as the locus of the social (as in Schatzki's 1996, 2002 reworking of Heidegger and Wittgenstein); and practice as discourse, which he elaborates via conversation analysis and a review of Foucault. It is difficult to specify what these theories have in common. Nicolini (2012) concurs with Schatzki (2001) that there is no unified practice approach. Nevertheless he notes 'a number of family resemblances' among theories from which he isolates some suggestions for how to undertake empirical studies (Schatzki 2001, p. 11). Reckwitz (2002) helpfully observes that while all cultural theories oppose both the utilitarian or rational-choice models of social action and order, and the classical sociological norm-orientated model of social action and order (that is, Durkheim and Parsons), what unites the heterogeneity of practice theories is the contention that social order and action is a feature of, and established through, the field of human practices. Practice theories' central claim is to move beyond problematic dualisms like structure and agency, methodological individualism and holism, determinism and voluntarism, and subject and object. Moreover, as Schatzki (2001, p. 14) suggests, 'these accounts all undermine the traditional individual-nonindividual divide by availing themselves of features of both sides'. Social practices, then, rather than individuals (and their attitudes and preferences), norms, cultural codes, discourses, macro-level trends or social structures become the central unit of analysis; and in policy-oriented accounts of sustainable consumption, they become the central unit of intervention (Shove 2010; Shove and Walker 2010; Spurling et al. 2013).

Any brief summary of the field would be incomplete without acknowledging the important recent book by Shove, Pantzar and Watson, The Dynamics of Social Practice (Shove et al. 2012), which is both an important general contribution to the application of practice theory and explicitly orientated to promoting transitions in practice. It presents an avowedly 'radically simplified' account of practice theory, the better to elucidate complex dynamics. Central to this project is to model practices as composed as three generic elements: meaning, competence and material. It stresses the relative independence of the trajectories of these elements of practices from practices themselves. Practices come into being and are transformed through the circulation and recombination of elements. Shove et al. (2012) elaborate Giddens's (1984) notion of the 'reproduction circuit' or feedback between the self-monitoring of actors and social structure. 'Circuits of reproduction' include: the reproduction of practice through the integration of elements; cross-practice configurations of elements that affect the former; and inter-practice circuits (Shove et al. 2012, p. 114).

Warde's point of view resonates with research that demonstrate how consumption objects are utilized in and for the conduct of a specific practice (Magaudda 2011; Reckwitz 2002; Schatzki 2001; 2002; Shove and Pantzar 2005; Whittington et al., 2006; Watson and Shove 2008). This means not only that the practice requires and necessitates consumption, but also that individuals engage in moments of consumption required by the practice. Consumption in this view becomes an element of practice. This can be illustrated by Shove and Chappells' (2001) study showing how water and electricity is typically consumed in the course of the routines of daily practices; and Watson and Shove (2008) demonstrating how screws, nails, and tools are consumed in the course of DIY practices. Tools, raw materials, water, and electricity are not consumed for their own sake, but their consumption is steered by routine activities of everyday life or specific practices. In other words, engaging in a certain practice necessitates the consumption of certain objects. Thus, the needs for these objects are less 'consumer needs' than practice needs (Warde 2005). In Watson and Shove's (2008) reading of Warde (2005), consumption thus is an outcome of practice.

Schatzki’s site ontology

Schatzki’s site ontology

(Schatzki 2005, 480)

(Schatzki 2005, 472)

(Schatzki, 2010b: 130)

Meklēju, ko vest uz Brīvbodi. Ļoti gribu no kaut kā atbrīvoties. Vai mājās var paturēt bojātas lietas? Ieplīsušas? Lasu, ka life cycle analysis for household items must include “energy use for storage” — jā, ieskaitot mentālo enerģiju…

Jūtu, ka nekontrolēju savu dzīves telpu. Vai mana vēlme “rūpēties par vidi” ir neirotiska? Meklēju, ko vest uz Brīvbodi. Ļoti gribu no kaut kā atbrīvoties. Vai mājās var paturēt bojātas lietas? Ieplīsušas? Lasu, ka life cycle analysis for household items must include “energy use for storage” — jā, ieskaitot mentālo enerģiju…

S2: Jā, sākumā es par Brīvbodi uzzināju caur Repair Cafe. Tātad sākumā Repair Cafe un Brīvbode notika atsevišķi. Repair Cafe bija Kaņepes Kultūras centrā. Tad uznāca Covid, uz kādu brīdi nekas nenotika, un tad pēc tam, pēc Covid, Repair Cafe ar Brīvbodi nolēma, ka būs vienā vietā. Kas ir ļoti loģisks lēmums, manuprāt. Jo, nu, arī reizēm Brīvbodē ir lietas, kuras vajag mazliet pielabot, vai reizēm Repair Cafe atnes lietas, kurām trūkst materiālu, tad aiziet uz Brīvbodi un paņemt. Nu, jā, nu, tā es tur esmu vismaz reizi mēnesī, reizēm biežāk.

S2: Es lielākoties apvienoju, bet ir bijušas arī kaut kādas reizes, kad ārpus. Nu, kad, piemēram, es gribu kaut kādu ziedojumu aizvest, vai arī, ka man kaut ko pašai vajag atrast, nu, un tad, teiksim, es eju kaut kādu apli tur Brīvbode, Otrā elpa, Humana vai vēl kaut kas. Visbiežāk kopā ar Repair Cafe, jā.

tu esi arī minējusi, ka laiku pa laikam jūs intervē, ka ir bijusi kaut kāda dalība tajos pētījumos arī kā par tādu aprites piemēru. Nu, cik tu pati to redzi tādā griezumā, tādā aspektā vai arī tas ir jau otršķirīgi... S2: Tas ir palicis laikam kaut kādā ziņā nedaudz otršķirīgi. Pārējais ir tik intensīvi, ka... Nē, tāpēc man patīk, pieņemsim, ka ir tāda Repair Cafe, mēs sadarbojamies. Ka tas tev ļauj bišķiņ pašķaidīt to ikdienas sociālo ar to zaļāko, to domāšanu.

5.05. Brīvbodes jauno telpu atklāšanas svētki. Ārā notiek augu maiņa un Repair Cafe, bet līdz turienei nemaz netiekam (esmu ar Jāzepu). Ieradāmies ap 14.30, bijām Brīvbodē ap 1,5 h. Sākums bija jau no 12, komandai jau no 10, bet mēs netikām agrāk ārā no mājas – Mīkaels ap 10 izgāja pabūt viens, ap 12 bija mājās, bet es vēl cepu kūciņu ziedojumiem utt. Mājās cepu cepumus – vegāniskus, ar kaņepēm un šokolādes gabaliņiem – un bezpiena kūku ar kokosriekstu pienu un mellenēm. Izmantoju tofu, ko vajadzēja izlietot termiņa dēļ. Priecājos, ka Jāzepam ļoti garšoja kūka un ka Gundega izteicās, ka beidzot ir kas tāds, ko viņa arī var ēst (jo ēd vegāniski).

S2: Nu, ar citiem apmeklētājiem tikai tik daudz, cik tāda draudzīga sasmaidīšanās, bet, kad es tur esmu repair cafe sakarā, tad ir viena mamma ar vienu dēlu, kas ir, man liekas, tur katru reizi. Un tas dēls ir tāds ļoti aktīvs, un viņš grib šūt, un tad vienreiz viņš gribēja šūt sev apmetni. Tad mēs izdomājām, kā mēs tur piešūsim lenti, un viņš pats ar viņu piešuva. Tas bija superīgi Jā, ir tādi... 00:47:36 - 00:49:36 S2: Tādi regulārie apmeklētāji, bet, nu, tā, ka man ar viņiem būtu tādas tiešām attiecības, tā es neteiktu, bet tā, ka mēs tur pazīstamies, otru atpazīstam viens otra seju un sasmaidamies, tādas ir, jā.

Arī tad, kad man pēc tam tas nav vajadzīgs, un es ļoti daudz mēdzu viskaut ko izgatavot, sākot ar pītiem, sietiem, šūtiem tepiķiem, visādām izšūšanām. Un bieži vien, kad es redzu kādu lietu, es to redzu nevis vienkārši kā tikai gatavu apģērbu, bet, piemēram, arī kā materiālu, kā audumi, pērlītes, rāvējslēdzēji un tāda skumjā realitāte, ka tagad šobrīd ir lētāk nopirkt lietotu, lietotas džinsas, izgriezt ārā rāvējslēdzēju, nekā nopirkt jaunu rāvējslēdzēju.

S2: Un man liekas, ka jā, ja to var salabot, tad tas ir jālabo. S2: Apģērbus arī, nu, teiksim, ja bērnam ir kaut kāds tur... 00:37:41 - 00:39:41 S2: ...caurumiņš izplīsis kaut kur un pati tā pārējā visa lieta ir laba, tad es aizlāpu. S2: Nu, ja vien tas nav kaut kas pavisam šausmīgs. S2: Mhm. S2: Jā, nu, protams, pogas arī tiek šūtas klāt un tā tālāk. S2: Nu jā, un arī kaut kādas tehniskās lietas, nu tā kā... S2: Meiteņu tētis, viņš jau nu viss kaut ko remontē. S2: Nu tā kā tagad, tagad varbūt man nav sanācis viņam neko prasīt tādu, bet nu jā, viss kaut ko viņš, viņš māk saremontēt jebko, un līdz ar to tad tā kā arī tāda laba lieta, ka var tā izdarīt.

S2: Tie ir retro audumi, padomju audumi. Piemēram, no vieniem es šobrīd šūšanas skolā šuju bikses, un viņš ir tāds riktīgi labs, tāds blīva vilna, viņas būs siltas, viņas būs smukas. Nu, bet tur ir vēl, nu, tur ir kādi, es nezinu, 10 dažādi audumi, bet vēl ir visādi apģērbi, kuriem man patīk materiāls, un es vienkārši no viena apģērba gribu uztaisīt citu apģērbu, bet tas jau neaizņem mazāk laika viņu pārtaisīt. Tas aizņem, iespējams, tikpat vai pat vairāk. Jā, tad tos es arī gribu sākt bīdīt dzīvē. S1: Un tu mini tā kā dāvanas citiem. Ko tu gatavo dāvanās? S2: Nu, piemēram, šobrīd es adu vienas zeķītes. Tad man ir doma... S1: Tās arī ir no kaut kādas dzijas, ja? S2: Jā. Tad man ir doma, ka visvienkāršākā dāvana, nu, piemēram, draudzenēm varētu būt tās auduma matu gumijas, skrančiji

Nē, nu, tā aktīvi es pati laboju lietas kopš es sāku studēt. Tad, kad es gāju vidusskolā, es tā... Nē, man liekas, tur bija kaut kāda viena reize, kad es gāju vidusskolā. Man bija mīļa soma, uz kuras bija kaut kādi pleķīši. Un es tur pa virsu uzšuvu krāsainas pogas, un man likās, vau, es esmu tāds malacis. Nu, jā, bet vispār jau man, nu, es teiktu, ka tas ir ģimenē – man mamma vienmēr ir šuvusi, adījusi, darījusi visas lietas. Un kaut kāda tāda ar rokām darbošanās vienmēr ir bijusi, nu, tāda normāla. Un es vienkārši pati to sāku darīt. Nē, nu, es atceros, ka ir bijuši arī kaut kādi gadījumi tur devītajā klasē uzšuvu mājturības olimpiādei kleitu, ko ļoti labi sanāca, māsa pēc tam uzvilka uz augstskolas izlaidumu. Mamma tur palīdzēja, protams. Jā. Nu, kaut kādi tādi daži izrāvieni, bet tā regulāri, nu, tā... Tas, ka man tā ir kaut kāda veida meditācija, tas ir sācies pieaugušo vecumā, nu, pēc studijām, sākot strādāt.

S2: Tur vispār aizgāja tāds baigais loks, jo kā es sāku taisīt, nu, izgatavot tos tepiķus? Tāpēc, ka man, staigājot pa humpalām, bija sakrājies tik daudz apģērbu, ka es sāku domāt, kā viņu izmantot, nemetot ārā vai neziedojot tālāk, bet ko es varu darīt vēl, lai tam piešķirtu to vērtību. Es tādā veidā sāku izgatavot tos tepiķus un apgāju to loku.

Divas somu anarhistes. Dažas pazīstamas sejas — Gunta aizskrien, neuzrunāju viņu. Middle Eastern looking family. Vecāks vīrs meklē sieviešu blūzes, mērīdams ar striķīti.

S2: Jā, jā. Man ir sanācis, jo man draudzenei viņai, nu, es parasti, ja esmu Brīvbodē, viņa man pasaka, paņem man arī kaut ko, un pieņemsim, viņai patīk plīša mantiņas, nu, Garfield. Un es atradu ļoti smuku plīša mantiņu, un tad, jā, es viņai atdevu, nu, Garfield.

Jā, es esmu dāvinājusi gan maniem radiniekiem. Bija ļoti jauka bērnu rotaļlieta, un tad tā rotaļlieta tika uzdāvināta. Un patiesībā bija priecīgs, mazais cilvēciņš bija priecīgs. Jo tās rotaļlietas, ja viņas ir labā stāvoklī, viņām arī nav pilnīgi nekādas vainas. Tā kā jā. Un laikam arī grāmatu. Jā, laikam arī vienu grāmatu, zinot cilvēku par tēmu, par ko interesējās. Tur bija par dārzkopību laikam grāmata. S1: Un jūs pieminējāt arī to Brīvbodes... S2: Vienam tika pieminēts, otram ne. S1: Arī tā mazliet stratēģiski. S2: Jā, jo ir cilvēki, kas varbūt arī, nu, to Brīvbodi, nu, viņi varbūt teiktu, "Ā, nu, jā, nu, sazin," tā teikt.

S2: Jā. Tad man ir doma, ka visvienkāršākā dāvana, nu, piemēram, draudzenēm varētu būt tās auduma matu gumijas, skrančiji, un tad es, nu, teiksim, tiem cilvēkiem, kas man ir pietiekami tuvi, lai mēs regulāri satiktos, es domāju viņiem vienkārši pāris mēnešus iepriekš pateikt, ka, re, kur, nāk tev dzimšanas diena, es gribu tevi apdāvināt, lūdzu, atnāc 00:23:48 - 00:25:48 S2: Atnāc ciemos, un izvēlēsimies piegrieztni, un izvēlēsimies audumu, un es gribu tev kaut ko uzšūt. S1: Vai tu tā jau esi darījusi vai tā ir iecere? S2: Tā ir pagaidām iecere. Pagaidām vēl nav neviena šāda gadījuma, bet gads ir tikko sācies. S1: Ā, tad tas ir tieši šogad.

S1: Manam dēlam visvairāk ir tā, ka viņš negrib, lai es kaut ko atdotu Brīvbodē. Ka viņam tas ir kaut kāds bubulis, ka atdod Brīvbodē. Vai arī, nu, kad es viņam sagādāju kaut kādas drēbes, un tad viņš, nu, tā kā viņš pat nepamēra vai kaut kā, bet viņam nepatīk. Nē, atdod Brīvbodē.

S1: Manam dēlam visvairāk ir tā, ka viņš negrib, lai es kaut ko atdotu Brīvbodē. Ka viņam tas ir kaut kāds bubulis, ka atdod Brīvbodē. Vai arī, nu, kad es viņam sagādāju kaut kādas drēbes, un tad viņš, nu, tā kā viņš pat nepamēra vai kaut kā, bet viņam nepatīk. Nē, atdod Brīvbodē.

like I've had to get some suits in my life, and I've never felt particularly good about it. S2: Like if I have to go, if I need to get a suit, I don't have time to learn about suits. S2: I don't know how to do that. S2: And like, and like I can't, I don't want to spend like huge amounts of money when I don't even know, maybe I'm just buying something stupid that costs a lot of money, but then I don't care about it. S2: And it's like, his ideal would be something like, yeah, you have to just have a budget. S2: It's like getting a car, it's like getting anything. S2: And like you should take it somewhat seriously if you need to take it seriously, and like find some real person, like a tailor, who can do it. S2: But then there's all kinds of complicated things where it's like, yeah, you can find these like... 00:29:45 - 00:31:45 S2: ...not the most expensive tailors, and then you need to meet them three times to do like the three different fittings. S2: And they will like go, they travel around to the major cities with some kind of intervals. S2: So like if I first meet him in January, like I'm not going to be able to plan this ever in my life. S2: I won't be able to like procrastinate until the last day and then go to Suit Supply and like, okay, fine, I'm going to take this. S2: But I would really like to have a truly high-quality clothes and... S2: This is the only like really nice thing... S2: I've had a few clothes that I've loved, there's always some element where they've had a very distinct feeling of, "Oh my god, what is this?" S1: Mhm. S2: And some things I have really liked, like in the open-air market, I went there and there was like a woman who made clothes from linen. S2: And she was like, "Oh," somehow in a funny way like looking at me. S2: And I tried things and like, "Hey, this is really cool, it's amazing, it's made of linen, it has some nice buttons that are a bit too big because that's cool." S2: And like, yeah, this is really nice, but then it broke immediately in some places.

S2: But also like, getting... like I've had to get some suits in my life, and I've never felt particularly good about it. S2: Like if I have to go, if I need to get a suit, I don't have time to learn about suits. S2: I don't know how to do that. S2: And like, and like I can't, I don't want to spend like huge amounts of money when I don't even know, maybe I'm just buying something stupid that costs a lot of money, but then I don't care about it. S2: And it's like, his ideal would be something like, yeah, you have to just have a budget. S2: It's like getting a car, it's like getting anything. S2: And like you should take it somewhat seriously if you need to take it seriously, and like find some real person, like a tailor, who can do it. S2: But then there's all kinds of complicated things where it's like, yeah, you can find these like... 00:29:45 - 00:31:45 S2: ...not the most expensive tailors, and then you need to meet them three times to do like the three different fittings. S2: And they will like go, they travel around to the major cities with some kind of intervals. S2: So like if I first meet him in January, like I'm not going to be able to plan this ever in my life. S2: I won't be able to like procrastinate until the last day and then go to Suit Supply and like, okay, fine, I'm going to take this. S2: But I would really like to have a truly high-quality clothes and... S2: This is the only like really nice thing... S2: I've had a few clothes that I've loved, there's always some element where they've had a very distinct feeling of, "Oh my god, what is this?" S1: Mhm. S2: And some things I have really liked, like in the open-air market, I went there and there was like a woman who made clothes from linen. S2: And she was like, "Oh," somehow in a funny way like looking at me. S2: And I tried things and like, "Hey, this is really cool, it's amazing, it's made of linen, it has some nice buttons that are a bit too big because that's cool." S2: And like, yeah, this is really nice, but then it broke immediately in some places.

S2: Sanāk aprunāties, jo kādreiz jau bija tā, tagad jau telpas ir plašākas un nav... Sanāca tā, ka laikam kādu brīdi, nu, lai paspētu uz darbu, ja ver vaļā 12.00, tad ir jābūt uz 12.00. Un lai nav jāstāv rindā ilgi pārāk, bet vienalga dažreiz sanāca stāvēt. Tā kā, nu, jau kādas trīs paziņas man ir droši. Mēs neesam draudzenes, bet mēs dalāmies informācijā. Es dalos informācijā ar kultūras pasākumiem, ko var apmeklēt un līdz ar to tur mēs Facebookā jau esam drusciņ, tā teikt, padalījušās informācijā.

S2: Jā, ja sanāk, ja ir brīvs, tad es apsveru atnākt, tā teikt iziet bišķi no mājas bišķi, arī ar cilvēkiem te parunāties.

S1: Jo tev ir arī varbūt vairāk tā laika šobrīd, ja, tad attiecīgi? S2: Jā, nu, ja es strādātu pilnas slodzes darbu, tad šis nebūtu variants. Jā, jā, jā. To noteikti nē. Jā, man tagad ir vairāk laika, un tagad man tūlīt būs arī vairāk prasmju, kas jau tiek tapinātas, un man liekas, ka tas būtu forši. Man ir arī ar meitenēm sarunāts, ka, nu, tā gan nav tā kā dāvana, bet, nu, vienvārdsakot, ar divām draudzenēm ir plāns, ka mēs satiksimies, viņas atnāks pie manis ciemos, un viņām ir kaut kādi apģērbi, ko viņas nelieto kaut kādu iemeslu dēļ, un tad mēs mēģināsim viņus kaut kā pāršūt vai izdaiļot, vai kaut kā tamlīdzīgi. Tā kā arī tas mums būs laika pavadīšanas un satikšanās veids un iemesls.

S1: Jo tev ir arī varbūt vairāk tā laika šobrīd, ja, tad attiecīgi? S2: Jā, nu, ja es strādātu pilnas slodzes darbu, tad šis nebūtu variants. Jā, jā, jā. To noteikti nē. Jā, man tagad ir vairāk laika, un tagad man tūlīt būs arī vairāk prasmju, kas jau tiek tapinātas, un man liekas, ka tas būtu forši. Man ir arī ar meitenēm sarunāts, ka, nu, tā gan nav tā kā dāvana, bet, nu, vienvārdsakot, ar divām draudzenēm ir plāns, ka mēs satiksimies, viņas atnāks pie manis ciemos, un viņām ir kaut kādi apģērbi, ko viņas nelieto kaut kādu iemeslu dēļ, un tad mēs mēģināsim viņus kaut kā pāršūt vai izdaiļot, vai kaut kā tamlīdzīgi. Tā kā arī tas mums būs laika pavadīšanas un satikšanās veids un iemesls.

S2: Nu, tagad ir jau mums nostabilizējies tas darba ritms, pienākumi. Nevienam nav vairs nekādas ambīcijas celt gaisa pilis. S2: No sākuma tad, kad bija tās domas – sociālais tīkls, sociālais centrs tur. S1: Nezinu. S2: Bija kaut kā tāda stadija, ka tām tantēm tur rīkot pasākumus tur, lai viņas tur var tusēt, iepazīties, sapazīties. S2: Kaut kāda tā pirmā ilūzija bija, ka tas tā varētu labi strādāt. Tas jau tā strādā, bet tad tu saproti, ka tev sāk kāpt uz galvas. S2: Nu, jā, man patīk, kad ir tā konkrēti, ka viss ir tā kā zināms, smuki sadalīts. Ja ir tie cilvēki, kuriem kopā sanāk, nu tur kaut ko izdarīt. S2: Savs darba stils... Jā, es neesmu tāds reizēm ļoti iejūtīgs, empātisks.

There are no laws about showering on a daily basis but the practice has become embedded through material and not only social networks. As a result, people are in a sense recruited to showering by the design of the bathroom and the products on sale, as well as by the expectations of friends and family (Burke, 1996). Much the same applies to driving. In cities planned around the car, it is often difficult to move around in other ways. In sum, and in brief, channels of recruitment change as the careers of individuals, practices and related infrastructures and institutions develop. First encounters are surely critical, but where participation is in any sense voluntary more is required if practices are to retain faithful cohorts of suitably committed carriers.

Again, showering is a good example. Over the last century the number of people who regularly take a shower has increased dramatically. When interviewed about what showering involves, respondents generally claim to be set in their ways: showering is something they do day-in, day-out and without thought or innovation (Hand et al., 2005). Unlike some of the sports considered above, this practice is not obviously transformed by enthusiastic lead users, nor is there a tradition that novices are tempted to overthrow. No one seems to be changing what it is to take a shower, but national and international data on the water used for personal hygiene demonstrate that the timing of the experience, the force of the flow and the valuing of freshness and invigoration are on the move (Walker, 2009). Daily showering, viewed as a totality, is being reconfigured by subtle but cumulative differences in the elements of which it is formed, including plumbing technologies and products, and in how these are integrated by its many carriers, all of whom take their routine to be the normal thing to do. In other words, practices like showering can and do emerge and evolve through multiple minor adjustments made in private but made possible by the circulation of new and different materials, meanings and forms of competence.

I now want to begin to describe this practice, starting with the observation of the dissociative dynamic that comes into play when practice ceases to be a procedural routine. As indicated before, the dissociation relevant here is that between subject and object. What do we mean by this dissociation? How does it come about, and why is it important? The separation between subjects with mental states and independent objects is common to all areas of everyday life. To take an example, a car and its driver are distinct entities in our perception and in much of our experience. Nonetheless, while I am driving, my car becomes what Heidegger calls ‘ready-to-hand’ and transparent (Heidegger 1962:98ff.): it has the tendency to disappear while I am using it. In other words, the car becomes an unproblematic means to an end rather than an independent thing to which I stand in relation. It becomes an instrument that has been absorbed into the practice of driving, just as I, the driver, have been absorbed into the practice of driving—I, too, become transparent. When I engage in this practice, I am oriented to the street, the traffic, the direction I have to take. I am not oriented to the car—unless it malfunctions and temporarily breaks down. Nor am I thinking of myself as separate from the immediate activity.

It is no longer usual to sew children into their clothes for the winter, nor is it common practice to do all the laundry on just one day of the week. Despite the net drop in dirtiness and despite the popularity of regular showering and bathing, the last century has seen a shift of collective routine such that on average British washing machines are used 274 times a year. The figure is even higher for the USA where the average is 392 cycles per year. One result is that domestic laundry currently accounts for something like 21 per cent of per-capita residential indoor water use in the USA and a smaller but still significant 12 per cent in British homes. With the diffusion of the domestic washing machine at 'saturation' point in both countries (98 and 92 per cent respectively), the evidence is that people are washing and drying loads of clothes more frequently than ever before and in the process consuming copious quantities of energy and water. The central challenge for this chapter and the next is to explain both the engraining and the transformation of laundry-related routines.

We first address how the material can delay the performance of the practice. In these instances, the material influences the temporal realization of the performance of the practice, having thus mildest implications on the performance of the practice. The first analysis example is based on showering, which has quite largely been studied from a practice-theoretical perspective (e.g., Bäckman, 2023; Gram-Hanssen, Christensen, Madsen, and do Carmo, 2020; Hand et al., 2005; Shove, 2003a), because washing consumes abundant resources: energy and water. Material aspects related to cleanliness practices have evolved over time and can be disrupted by temporary events or specific socio-material settings, impacting water and energy consumption (Gram-Hanssen et al., 2020). Torriti (2017) argues that washing is a practice that is time-dependent, meaning it is carried out at specific times of the day or week.

One could, however, have chosen other examples. Let us take up one of them: the morning routine of putting on make-up. This is a practice with complex meanings that calls for a lot of learning before it can be turned into a mechanical routine. It is also a habit charged with different content, from the daily minutes in front of the mirror, to situations where this routine becomes a very conscious and well-planned ritual, as when you are preparing for a new exciting date or an important public appearance.

In the second example of a washing machine, the range of work activities undertaken by the consumer to support consumption is again fairly self-evident. When buying a new machine, the consumer will need to research the range of possible models to choose between, the retail options and which outlet sells what, and then order online, by phone or in store, and arrange for delivery. Plumbing alterations may be required prior to installation, so any necessary arrangements have to be made for these, normally by acquiring the paid services of a plumber. On delivery, the machine has to be unpacked, then installed, either by the consumer herself or himself or by paying for this to be done. She or he will also need to study the instructions, become familiar with the machine's functions and learn how to use it, undertake periodic maintenance and, at the end of its life, arrange for its disposal and recycling. All these tasks are distinct from the actual act of consuming or using the machine to wash and cannot be simply subsumed as domestic labour.

Again, showering is a good example. Over the last century the number of people who regularly take a shower has increased dramatically. When interviewed about what showering involves, respondents generally claim to be set in their ways: showering is something they do day-in, day-out and without thought or innovation (Hand et al., 2005). Unlike some of the sports considered above, this practice is not obviously transformed by enthusiastic lead users, nor is there a tradition that novices are tempted to overthrow. No one seems to be changing what it is to take a shower, but national and international data on the water used for personal hygiene demonstrate that the timing of the experience, the force of the flow and the valuing of freshness and invigoration are on the move (Walker, 2009). Daily showering, viewed as a totality, is being reconfigured by subtle but cumulative differences in the elements of which it is formed, including plumbing technologies and products, and in how these are integrated by its many carriers, all of whom take their routine to be the normal thing to do. In other words, practices like showering can and do emerge and evolve through multiple minor adjustments made in private but made possible by the circulation of new and different materials, meanings and forms of competence.

Laundering is a sequential enterprise in which washing comes before drying and drying before ironing. In analysing the making and breaking of habit I take note of one last aspect, that is the scheduling , as well as the meaning, purpose and experience of doing the wash. There are two dimensions to this: one relates to the management of the steps involved. The second concerns the positioning of laundry-related activity within the flow of everyday life.

In addition, and again in contrast to bathing, laundering is a typically sequential operation consisting of a series of discrete activities. These might now include sorting clothes, filling a washing machine, adding detergent, drying and ironing. In other situations, necessary steps have included lighting fires, boiling water, soaking, hand wringing, rinsing, soaping, bleaching, blueing, starching and crimping. Exactly what 'doing the laundry' means depends, in a rather immediate way, upon the technologies involved and upon contemporary understandings of what it takes to produce a pile of appropriately cleaned clothing. I have more to say about this, but for now it is enough to recognize that innovation in any one part of the system (for instance, in textiles, detergents or washing and drying technology) will have repercussions for the whole.

In many ways, this 'gap' between the original constituency, whether a group of enthusiastic amateurs, engineers or inventors, and the future wider group of buyers is what marketing and advertising departments try to fill in by offering ready-made models of life-styles and cultural practices that new products and services can fit into. For instance, in order to export Nordic walking sticks (Shove and Pantzar 2005), the company producing them has, very concretely, to export and make meaningful a totally new practice of walking with two sticks. When exported to other countries from Finland, the practice is radically transformed and effectively become quite another practice.

Two aspects of this story are relevant for a discussion of meaning. First, this semiotic positioning of Nordic Walking was only possible because concepts of wellbeing and nature already existed in the popular imagination, each having recognizable qualities born of prior practice-based associations. Second, although efforts to frame Nordic Walking in this way have been relatively successful, defining and classifying an emergent practice is not something that any one actor can control. As things turned out, Nordic Walking was initially associated with health and nature, as the promoters hoped, and soon after with specific categories of age and gender. These new connections arose as a consequence of the fact that middle-aged women were the first to take up the practice. As more and different people became involved, the social significance of participation and the meaning of Nordic Walking changed.

One possibility is that meanings are extended and eroded as a result of dynamic processes of association. Accordingly, when Nordic Walking is linked with health, the meaning of wellbeing extends to encompass this practice, along with many others. The extension of one set of meanings sometimes implies the contraction of others. For example, concepts of 'freshness', conventionally associated with qualities of air, have found their way into the realm of laundering and bathing. As this 'new' element entered the practice of washing, other previously dominant themes of cleanliness or hygiene have been overlain, transformed or displaced. This is relevant in that notions of freshness legitimize and in a sense demand more frequent showering and laundering than ever before (Shove, 2003; Hand et al., 2005).

Since any one practitioner has limited first-hand experience of how a practice is reproduced by others, it is nearly always the case that elements of meaning are quite literally mediated. In Finland, representations and pictures of Nordic Walking in the press and on TV proved crucial in making key associations, for example, depicting Nordic Walkers in natural rather than urban settings, and illustrating other relevant features like the age and clothing of those involved. Infrastructures of mass communication are now such that there is virtually no limit to the settings through which such images might circulate. The catch is that while the media has a vital role in disseminating ideas, pictures and texts,

Although we are primarily interested in following the lives of elements, not of practices as such, a brief account of how Nordic Walking (a form of walking involving the use of two specially designed poles to increase the intensity of the exercise) emerged in Finland provides some insight into the ways in which meanings like those of infirmity and well-being 'travel' and evolve. For Nordic Walking to take hold on any scale, walking with 'sticks' had to be disassociated from meanings of frailty and somehow connected to concepts of vitality and wellbeing. This required a process of de- and re-classification: old connotations had to be shaken off and new connections made. In an effort to make this happen, manufacturers and others with an interest in establishing the practice sought to position it with reference to two established narratives,

heating. Everyday routines like preparing a meal could become complicated tasks, calling for both innovation and patience. Can you make a small fire on the balcony? What would work as a water carrier?

Although we are primarily interested in following the lives of elements, not of practices as such, a brief account of how Nordic Walking (a form of walking involving the use of two specially designed poles to increase the intensity of the exercise) emerged in Finland provides some insight into the ways in which meanings like those of infirmity and well-being 'travel' and evolve. For Nordic Walking to take hold on any scale, walking with 'sticks' had to be disassociated from meanings of frailty and somehow connected to concepts of vitality and wellbeing. This required a process of de- and re-classification: old connotations had to be shaken off and new connections made. In an effort to make this happen, manufacturers and others with an interest in establishing the practice sought to position it with reference to two established narratives,

Since any one practitioner has limited first-hand experience of how a practice is reproduced by others, it is nearly always the case that elements of meaning are quite literally mediated. In Finland, representations and pictures of Nordic Walking in the press and on TV proved crucial in making key associations, for example, depicting Nordic Walkers in natural rather than urban settings, and illustrating other relevant features like the age and clothing of those involved. Infrastructures of mass communication are now such that there is virtually no limit to the settings through which such images might circulate. The catch is that while the media has a vital role in disseminating ideas, pictures and texts,

Two aspects of this story are relevant for a discussion of meaning. First, this semiotic positioning of Nordic Walking was only possible because concepts of wellbeing and nature already existed in the popular imagination, each having recognizable qualities born of prior practice-based associations. Second, although efforts to frame Nordic Walking in this way have been relatively successful, defining and classifying an emergent practice is not something that any one actor can control. As things turned out, Nordic Walking was initially associated with health and nature, as the promoters hoped, and soon after with specific categories of age and gender. These new connections arose as a consequence of the fact that middle-aged women were the first to take up the practice. As more and different people became involved, the social significance of participation and the meaning of Nordic Walking changed.

When driving, walking, or cooking, people (practitioners) dynamically combine the three elements that make up their practices (Shove et al., 2012). When serving dinner, for example, material objects and tools are needed, such as food, drink, crockery, tables, and chairs, in addition to the kitchen, energy, and water supply infrastructures. Some competences such as cooking and knowledge of etiquette to serve are basic; a differential, or specialized knowledge in turn, such as harmonization with wine, is a competence based on conventions and cultural expectations (Spurling et al., 2013).

S2: Jā, sākumā es par Brīvbodi uzzināju caur Repair Cafe. Tātad sākumā Repair Cafe un Brīvbode notika atsevišķi. Repair Cafe bija Kaņepes Kultūras centrā. Tad uznāca Covid, uz kādu brīdi nekas nenotika, un tad pēc tam, pēc Covid, Repair Cafe ar Brīvbodi nolēma, ka būs vienā vietā. Kas ir ļoti loģisks lēmums, manuprāt. Jo, nu, arī reizēm Brīvbodē ir lietas, kuras vajag mazliet pielabot, vai reizēm Repair Cafe atnes lietas, kurām trūkst materiālu, tad aiziet uz Brīvbodi un paņemt. Nu, jā, nu, tā es tur esmu vismaz reizi mēnesī, reizēm biežāk.

S2: Es lielākoties apvienoju, bet ir bijušas arī kaut kādas reizes, kad ārpus. Nu, kad, piemēram, es gribu kaut kādu ziedojumu aizvest, vai arī, ka man kaut ko pašai vajag atrast, nu, un tad, teiksim, es eju kaut kādu apli tur Brīvbode, Otrā elpa, Humana vai vēl kaut kas. Visbiežāk kopā ar Repair Cafe, jā.

tu esi arī minējusi, ka laiku pa laikam jūs intervē, ka ir bijusi kaut kāda dalība tajos pētījumos arī kā par tādu aprites piemēru. Nu, cik tu pati to redzi tādā griezumā, tādā aspektā vai arī tas ir jau otršķirīgi... S2: Tas ir palicis laikam kaut kādā ziņā nedaudz otršķirīgi. Pārējais ir tik intensīvi, ka... Nē, tāpēc man patīk, pieņemsim, ka ir tāda Repair Cafe, mēs sadarbojamies. Ka tas tev ļauj bišķiņ pašķaidīt to ikdienas sociālo ar to zaļāko, to domāšanu.

5.05. Brīvbodes jauno telpu atklāšanas svētki. Ārā notiek augu maiņa un Repair Cafe, bet līdz turienei nemaz netiekam (esmu ar Jāzepu). Ieradāmies ap 14.30, bijām Brīvbodē ap 1,5 h. Sākums bija jau no 12, komandai jau no 10, bet mēs netikām agrāk ārā no mājas – Mīkaels ap 10 izgāja pabūt viens, ap 12 bija mājās, bet es vēl cepu kūciņu ziedojumiem utt. Mājās cepu cepumus – vegāniskus, ar kaņepēm un šokolādes gabaliņiem – un bezpiena kūku ar kokosriekstu pienu un mellenēm. Izmantoju tofu, ko vajadzēja izlietot termiņa dēļ. Priecājos, ka Jāzepam ļoti garšoja kūka un ka Gundega izteicās, ka beidzot ir kas tāds, ko viņa arī var ēst (jo ēd vegāniski).

S2: Nu, ar citiem apmeklētājiem tikai tik daudz, cik tāda draudzīga sasmaidīšanās, bet, kad es tur esmu repair cafe sakarā, tad ir viena mamma ar vienu dēlu, kas ir, man liekas, tur katru reizi. Un tas dēls ir tāds ļoti aktīvs, un viņš grib šūt, un tad vienreiz viņš gribēja šūt sev apmetni. Tad mēs izdomājām, kā mēs tur piešūsim lenti, un viņš pats ar viņu piešuva. Tas bija superīgi Jā, ir tādi... 00:47:36 - 00:49:36 S2: Tādi regulārie apmeklētāji, bet, nu, tā, ka man ar viņiem būtu tādas tiešām attiecības, tā es neteiktu, bet tā, ka mēs tur pazīstamies, otru atpazīstam viens otra seju un sasmaidamies, tādas ir, jā.

S2: Jā, sākumā es par Brīvbodi uzzināju caur Repair Cafe. Tātad sākumā Repair Cafe un Brīvbode notika atsevišķi. Repair Cafe bija Kaņepes Kultūras centrā. Tad uznāca Covid, uz kādu brīdi nekas nenotika, un tad pēc tam, pēc Covid, Repair Cafe ar Brīvbodi nolēma, ka būs vienā vietā. Kas ir ļoti loģisks lēmums, manuprāt. Jo, nu, arī reizēm Brīvbodē ir lietas, kuras vajag mazliet pielabot, vai reizēm Repair Cafe atnes lietas, kurām trūkst materiālu, tad aiziet uz Brīvbodi un paņemt. Nu, jā, nu, tā es tur esmu vismaz reizi mēnesī, reizēm biežāk.

S2: Nu jā, man liekas, tās lietu labošanas, tas jau tas pats jau ir arī kaut kādām tām elektroprecēm, tur, jo man tieši arī bija, nu, saruna... S2: Nu jā, par veļas mašīnu labošanu, un ka tur tā kā laikam ļoti bieži, ka tās rezerves daļas ir, nu, praktiski jaunas veļas mašīnas vērtībā. S2: Un tas, man liekas, nu jā, ir tā crazy, jo nu tajā pašā laikā, es nezinu, mest ārā veļas mašīnu, tur atkal tik daudz resursu ir izmantots, lai viņu uztaisītu, man liekas, nu arī ir nu liekas kaut kā tik nepareizi. S1: Hm. S2: Kaut kā, jā. S2: Nu tā. S2: Nu jā, it sevišķi nu tā kā tur tām elektroniskajām lietām, kur ir kaut kādi tie super retie metāli iekšā, vai... S2: Es nezinu, arī atkal kaut kas, kur tur kaut kādā valstī tur, nezinu, paverdzin' cilvēkus tā resursa iegūšanas dēļ, un tad tev vienkārši tāds "ai, nu labi, trīs gadi pagājuši, kaut kas tur saplīsis, metīšu ārā". S2: Un tas tā kā, man liekas, ļoti interesanti, jo, nu jā, man arī tā kā veļas mašīna, ledusskapis nāca kopā ar dzīvokli, un tās tādas, nu, pavecas lietas, bet... S2: Nu, viņas darbojas, viss fain. S2: Un tad tieši kaut kad arī es, nu, runāju ar, nu, draudzeni un viņas boyfriendu, ka viņi tieši bija meklējuši tā kā vecu veļas mašīnu, jo viņas mūsdienās tur plīst daudz vairāk nekā agrāk.

S1: I appreciate that you care about this stuff and pay attention and try to find ways to organize and find new things and find a way to deal with things that we don't want. S1: And what you were talking about, that you feel that it's your duty to be the one who does that. S1: And there my feeling is that like, because you care so strongly, I mean, I don't know how to say it without it sounding rude or something, but like, that in some way, and I mean like, I don't mean to say you're doing anything wrong or whatever, I'm just like trying to...

S2: Like, I will tend to think, "Okay, maybe we can just literally take like anything and put it in the trash and maybe that's not even so bad." S2: But then somehow by saying that I have like violated a very strong moral norm that I don't understand to begin with. S2: Is it because it's wasteful? S2: Is it because it's harmful? S2: Maybe there is a way to... yeah. S2: Obviously it is wasteful and I can, I mean, I understand that. S2: No, but... 00:07:56 - 00:09:56 S2: No, but yeah, like I'm also very interested in like the issue of plastic waste because that's also a thing where my whole life I feel like I have been made to like automatically agree that plastic waste must be inherently very bad. S2: And for me it's like, but I don't understand why and that makes me feel like a bit confused.

for me, like taking something seriously is like a dangerous thing because I can either not take it seriously or I can take it extremely seriously. S2: And if I take it extremely seriously, then it's a huge problem. S2: Like with furniture, it's a bit of a problem. S2: Like I can't buy anything and whenever I see like... I always have to... okay, it would be better if I didn't care or I just learned to care in a different way. 00:25:47 - 00:27:47 S2: ...and be more adaptive in a way, but there's some kind of like risk of care.

like I've had to get some suits in my life, and I've never felt particularly good about it. S2: Like if I have to go, if I need to get a suit, I don't have time to learn about suits. S2: I don't know how to do that. S2: And like, and like I can't, I don't want to spend like huge amounts of money when I don't even know, maybe I'm just buying something stupid that costs a lot of money, but then I don't care about it. S2: And it's like, his ideal would be something like, yeah, you have to just have a budget. S2: It's like getting a car, it's like getting anything. S2: And like you should take it somewhat seriously if you need to take it seriously, and like find some real person, like a tailor, who can do it. S2: But then there's all kinds of complicated things where it's like, yeah, you can find these like... 00:29:45 - 00:31:45 S2: ...not the most expensive tailors, and then you need to meet them three times to do like the three different fittings. S2: And they will like go, they travel around to the major cities with some kind of intervals. S2: So like if I first meet him in January, like I'm not going to be able to plan this ever in my life. S2: I won't be able to like procrastinate until the last day and then go to Suit Supply and like, okay, fine, I'm going to take this. S2: But I would really like to have a truly high-quality clothes and... S2: This is the only like really nice thing... S2: I've had a few clothes that I've loved, there's always some element where they've had a very distinct feeling of, "Oh my god, what is this?" S1: Mhm. S2: And some things I have really liked, like in the open-air market, I went there and there was like a woman who made clothes from linen. S2: And she was like, "Oh," somehow in a funny way like looking at me. S2: And I tried things and like, "Hey, this is really cool, it's amazing, it's made of linen, it has some nice buttons that are a bit too big because that's cool." S2: And like, yeah, this is really nice, but then it broke immediately in some places.

S2: But also like, getting... like I've had to get some suits in my life, and I've never felt particularly good about it. S2: Like if I have to go, if I need to get a suit, I don't have time to learn about suits. S2: I don't know how to do that. S2: And like, and like I can't, I don't want to spend like huge amounts of money when I don't even know, maybe I'm just buying something stupid that costs a lot of money, but then I don't care about it. S2: And it's like, his ideal would be something like, yeah, you have to just have a budget. S2: It's like getting a car, it's like getting anything. S2: And like you should take it somewhat seriously if you need to take it seriously, and like find some real person, like a tailor, who can do it. S2: But then there's all kinds of complicated things where it's like, yeah, you can find these like... 00:29:45 - 00:31:45 S2: ...not the most expensive tailors, and then you need to meet them three times to do like the three different fittings. S2: And they will like go, they travel around to the major cities with some kind of intervals. S2: So like if I first meet him in January, like I'm not going to be able to plan this ever in my life. S2: I won't be able to like procrastinate until the last day and then go to Suit Supply and like, okay, fine, I'm going to take this. S2: But I would really like to have a truly high-quality clothes and... S2: This is the only like really nice thing... S2: I've had a few clothes that I've loved, there's always some element where they've had a very distinct feeling of, "Oh my god, what is this?" S1: Mhm. S2: And some things I have really liked, like in the open-air market, I went there and there was like a woman who made clothes from linen. S2: And she was like, "Oh," somehow in a funny way like looking at me. S2: And I tried things and like, "Hey, this is really cool, it's amazing, it's made of linen, it has some nice buttons that are a bit too big because that's cool." S2: And like, yeah, this is really nice, but then it broke immediately in some places.

Baiba saka, ka uz Brīvbodi atnākusi, kad viņai nomiris vīrs — atnākusi, jutusi labu atmosfēru, forša komanda, Ira viņai jautājusi, vai negribot nākt palīgā.

Es arī uz Brīvbodi nesu lietas, no kurām vienkārši vēlos tikt vaļā, bet esmu arī atradusi šo to jaunu un noderīgu. Tā ir arī mana motivācija pašai nest lietas, ko citādi varētu arī pārdot. – T.i. ir sajūta, ka maiņa notiek un ir līdzvērtīga

S2: Nē, nekrājot, nē, nē, nē, nē, nē. Tad es darīju tā, vēl pirms tieši es uz Brīvbodi nesu, vēl es aiznesu, man liekas, kaut kādus astoņus vai sešus maisus ar drēbēm uz... Pie Daugavpils ielas ir tā ar baznīcu saistīta, nu, pie tām māsām. Tur es aiznesu. S2: Tā kā, nu, es visur kur. Tad es vēl uz Iļģuciemu braucu. Kāpēc. Es varētu tikpat labi iedot... Nu, tas ir mans... Tas jau vairs nav. S1: No Purvciema uz Iļģuciemu? Bet tas ir interesanti, es domāju, nu, tā kā, jo es visādas tās tieksmes. S2: Kāpēc es tā darīju? Es dažādoju ar domu: nekas, tur pietiek, tagad nesam uz turieni.

S2: Vienkārši es, es biju priecīga, ka ir mantas šitā dabūnamas. Tad es arī padomāju, ka tā ir laba iespēja, kā no savām mantām tikt vaļā, ko žēl ārā mest un kas ir labas. Tad es sāku nest, un tad es sāku nākt regulāri.

Un Brīvbode zināmā mērā, tad, kad mēs par viņu uzzinājām, tas bija no raidījuma "Zaļgalvis". Pavisam nejauši. Un ideja man ļoti, ļoti iepatikās. Un tad mēs nolēmām, ka jāsāk atrast to vietu, kur tad tas ir. Sākumā Viskaļu ielā.

like I've had to get some suits in my life, and I've never felt particularly good about it. S2: Like if I have to go, if I need to get a suit, I don't have time to learn about suits. S2: I don't know how to do that. S2: And like, and like I can't, I don't want to spend like huge amounts of money when I don't even know, maybe I'm just buying something stupid that costs a lot of money, but then I don't care about it. S2: And it's like, his ideal would be something like, yeah, you have to just have a budget. S2: It's like getting a car, it's like getting anything. S2: And like you should take it somewhat seriously if you need to take it seriously, and like find some real person, like a tailor, who can do it. S2: But then there's all kinds of complicated things where it's like, yeah, you can find these like... 00:29:45 - 00:31:45 S2: ...not the most expensive tailors, and then you need to meet them three times to do like the three different fittings. S2: And they will like go, they travel around to the major cities with some kind of intervals. S2: So like if I first meet him in January, like I'm not going to be able to plan this ever in my life. S2: I won't be able to like procrastinate until the last day and then go to Suit Supply and like, okay, fine, I'm going to take this. S2: But I would really like to have a truly high-quality clothes and... S2: This is the only like really nice thing... S2: I've had a few clothes that I've loved, there's always some element where they've had a very distinct feeling of, "Oh my god, what is this?" S1: Mhm. S2: And some things I have really liked, like in the open-air market, I went there and there was like a woman who made clothes from linen. S2: And she was like, "Oh," somehow in a funny way like looking at me. S2: And I tried things and like, "Hey, this is really cool, it's amazing, it's made of linen, it has some nice buttons that are a bit too big because that's cool." S2: And like, yeah, this is really nice, but then it broke immediately in some places.

S2: But also like, getting... like I've had to get some suits in my life, and I've never felt particularly good about it. S2: Like if I have to go, if I need to get a suit, I don't have time to learn about suits. S2: I don't know how to do that. S2: And like, and like I can't, I don't want to spend like huge amounts of money when I don't even know, maybe I'm just buying something stupid that costs a lot of money, but then I don't care about it. S2: And it's like, his ideal would be something like, yeah, you have to just have a budget. S2: It's like getting a car, it's like getting anything. S2: And like you should take it somewhat seriously if you need to take it seriously, and like find some real person, like a tailor, who can do it. S2: But then there's all kinds of complicated things where it's like, yeah, you can find these like... 00:29:45 - 00:31:45 S2: ...not the most expensive tailors, and then you need to meet them three times to do like the three different fittings. S2: And they will like go, they travel around to the major cities with some kind of intervals. S2: So like if I first meet him in January, like I'm not going to be able to plan this ever in my life. S2: I won't be able to like procrastinate until the last day and then go to Suit Supply and like, okay, fine, I'm going to take this. S2: But I would really like to have a truly high-quality clothes and... S2: This is the only like really nice thing... S2: I've had a few clothes that I've loved, there's always some element where they've had a very distinct feeling of, "Oh my god, what is this?" S1: Mhm. S2: And some things I have really liked, like in the open-air market, I went there and there was like a woman who made clothes from linen. S2: And she was like, "Oh," somehow in a funny way like looking at me. S2: And I tried things and like, "Hey, this is really cool, it's amazing, it's made of linen, it has some nice buttons that are a bit too big because that's cool." S2: And like, yeah, this is really nice, but then it broke immediately in some places.

Kā tev šķiet, no kurienes nāk tā, ja tu saki pēdējā laikā, ka tu centies rūpīgāk to darīt un esi laikam pievērsusies tai izvērtēšanai dziļāk, kas ir mainījies? S2: Es nezinu, varbūt es vienkāršu pieaugu. Pārstāju grābt visu, ko ieraudzīju. Kaut kā laika gaitā laikam sapratu, ka patiesībā vajag tik maz, lai būtu priecīgs un tā. Būtībā var iztikt ar tiem diviem džinsiem un diviem topiņiem un tā. Ko tad vairāk vajag, un dažreiz ir tā bišķi neērti, ka tik daudz tās drēbes.

Kā tev šķiet, no kurienes nāk tā, ja tu saki pēdējā laikā, ka tu centies rūpīgāk to darīt un esi laikam pievērsusies tai izvērtēšanai dziļāk, kas ir mainījies? S2: Es nezinu, varbūt es vienkāršu pieaugu. Pārstāju grābt visu, ko ieraudzīju. Kaut kā laika gaitā laikam sapratu, ka patiesībā vajag tik maz, lai būtu priecīgs un tā. Būtībā var iztikt ar tiem diviem džinsiem un diviem topiņiem un tā. Ko tad vairāk vajag, un dažreiz ir tā bišķi neērti, ka tik daudz tās drēbes.

S2: Aptuveni jau 10 gadus pārsvarā iepērkos tikai otrreiz, cik vien tas ir iespēju robežās iespējams, protams, neskaitot higiēnas lietas un tādas lietas, bet maksimāli cenšos tiešām atkārtoti izmantot lietas, humpalas. Un es nezinu, kā es vispār nebiju lietas kursā par tādu Brīvbodi. Man ir tāda jauna pasaulīte, un es esmu tādā sajūsmā, bet es laikam izplūstu pārāk.

S2: Aptuveni jau 10 gadus pārsvarā iepērkos tikai otrreiz, cik vien tas ir iespēju robežās iespējams, protams, neskaitot higiēnas lietas un tādas lietas, bet maksimāli cenšos tiešām atkārtoti izmantot lietas, humpalas. Un es nezinu, kā es vispār nebiju lietas kursā par tādu Brīvbodi. Man ir tāda jauna pasaulīte, un es esmu tādā sajūsmā, bet es laikam izplūstu pārāk.

S1: Vai arī tas, kā tu izvēlies patērēt lietas, jā, vēl kaut kā? S2: Patērēt lietas vienmēr esmu patērējusi, nu, es esmu it kā vāc, man liekas, es esmu nopirkusi un vācējusi, tāpēc, ka S2: ir bijis maz. S2: Man ir bijis maz naudas, nu, kopumā S2: studiju laikā man ir bijis maz. S1: Jā. S2: Un patiesībā es ļoti labi atceros, ka es pirms pārcelšos dzīvot jau, nu, gāju dzīvot viena, es jau laiku, kaut kādu pusgadu krāju, nu, nevis krāju, bet es pirku kaut kādas lietas, lai es varētu pārcelties, vienkārši padzīvot, es jau laiku iepriekš nopirku, lai es varētu uzsākt to dzīvi. S1: Jā. S2: Un es ļoti labi atceros, ka es pirku, kājas tur gāja, un tad S2: man nebija laikam tik traki, bet es nezinu, kāpēc, man kaut kādā, nu, tajā laikā bija maksimāli pa vienu centīmu

Mēs arī, mēs ik pa laikam vienkārši aizbraucam uz Dobeli. Jo tur ir ļoti fantastisks divstāvīgs "second hand" "market" tāds veikals. Tur nav drēbes, bet tur ir viskaut kādi trauki, elektroiekārtas, mēbeles. Mēs vienkārši aizbraucam tā kā uz muzeju. Citi iet uz muzejiem, mēs aizejam tur, "O, vau, šitas, o, šitais, paskaties, tas kaut kāds vecais IKEA tur modelis, vai kaut kas ir vēl šitāds." Un tad mēs ejam un skatāmies, un tad mums ir tāda izklaide.

Bet, nu, es tā kā mēģinu skatīties, lai vispār tas iemesls, kāpēc uz Brīvbodi [nāk strādāt], nav tikai: "O, tur ir laba manta, šitais ir tik vērtīgs," vai tamlīdzīgi. Nē, ka tas nav. Dažreiz kaut kas ir vērtīgs, es nezinu, mēs tur kā Brīvbode pēc tam tālāk pārdodam. Nu, Brīvbodei ir kaut kādas vajadzības un tu saproti, ka iedod noziedo ģitāru, kur tu saproti, ka viņai ir kaut kāda "second hand market" tā kā cena kaut kādi 200 eiro, tad es saku, "Šis mums nosedz divus mēnešus komunālajiem." Tā kā neatdosim viņu vienkārši kādam, kas aizies Čiekurkalna tirgū viņu nopārdot.

Dažreiz kaut kas ir vērtīgs, es nezinu, mēs tur kā Brīvbode pēc tam tālāk pārdodam. Nu, Brīvbodei ir kaut kādas vajadzības un tu saproti, ka iedod noziedo ģitāru, kur tu saproti, ka viņai ir kaut kāda "second hand market" tā kā cena kaut kādi 200 eiro, tad es saku, "Šis mums nosedz divus mēnešus komunālajiem." Tā kā neatdosim viņu vienkārši kādam, kas aizies Čiekurkalna tirgū viņu nopārdot. Ka šito mēs paši, tad... Un tad visi par to zina, ka tā naudiņa aizies tur. S2: Tas, protams, ir tā shady, to mēs nedrīkstētu darīt. Jo mēs esam biedrība, un tad tas viss ir jāiet kaut kā... Tāpēc arī, pieņemsim, biedrība "Tavi draugi" tagad uztaisīja arī veikalu, lai to visu var darīt legāli. Jo, cik es zinu, viņi pirms tam arī to darīja. Bet, nu, tā kā, jā, ka viņi saprata, ka, ja tev noziedo tur veco porcelāna servīzi Rīgas, kuras vērtība ir 300 eiro, tu viņu nedosi vienkārši ukrainim, no kā dzert, tā kā viņi saprot, ka tur tie 300 eiro ir daudz vērtīgāki, tu vari nopirkt, cik daudz tur pamperus vai tamlīdzīgi. Nu, tādā ziņā, ka tās lietas ir dažas tādas, ka tev ir tas ētiskās dabas jautājums, un cik tas ir forši, ja kāds ir to vienkārši ziedojis tev atdošanai tālāk, un tad tu viņu izmanto tā kā...

Dažreiz kaut kas ir vērtīgs, es nezinu, mēs tur kā Brīvbode pēc tam tālāk pārdodam. Nu, Brīvbodei ir kaut kādas vajadzības un tu saproti, ka iedod noziedo ģitāru, kur tu saproti, ka viņai ir kaut kāda "second hand market" tā kā cena kaut kādi 200 eiro, tad es saku, "Šis mums nosedz divus mēnešus komunālajiem." Tā kā neatdosim viņu vienkārši kādam, kas aizies Čiekurkalna tirgū viņu nopārdot. Ka šito mēs paši, tad... Un tad visi par to zina, ka tā naudiņa aizies tur. S2: Tas, protams, ir tā shady, to mēs nedrīkstētu darīt. Jo mēs esam biedrība, un tad tas viss ir jāiet kaut kā... Tāpēc arī, pieņemsim, biedrība "Tavi draugi" tagad uztaisīja arī veikalu, lai to visu var darīt legāli. Jo, cik es zinu, viņi pirms tam arī to darīja. Bet, nu, tā kā, jā, ka viņi saprata, ka, ja tev noziedo tur veco porcelāna servīzi Rīgas, kuras vērtība ir 300 eiro, tu viņu nedosi vienkārši ukrainim, no kā dzert, tā kā viņi saprot, ka tur tie 300 eiro ir daudz vērtīgāki, tu vari nopirkt, cik daudz tur pamperus vai tamlīdzīgi. Nu, tādā ziņā, ka tās lietas ir dažas tādas, ka tev ir tas ētiskās dabas jautājums, un cik tas ir forši, ja kāds ir to vienkārši ziedojis tev atdošanai tālāk, un tad tu viņu izmanto tā kā...

S2: Jā, jā. Visur, ne tikai second hand. Piemēram, man Pepco patīk veikals un tur es vispār arī... kastrolīšus tur nopērku un tā. Vēl kāds. Nu, pārtikas labi, to es saprotu.

S1: Bet kādos vēl, tu saki thrift shops, uz kādiem vēl tu ej? S2: Es nezinu, kā īsti, bet man pie mājām ir tāds Asja? S1: Es nezinu, bet, arī vienkārši tāds humpalu veikaliņš tā kā? S2: Jā, jā. Ķengaragā arī ir, nu, tie ir tādi mazi, viņi nav tā plaši zināmi, tāpēc es zinu, ka tur mani vienaudži arī neiet. Es vienreiz uzzināju par šo, nu, mazo veikaliņu, viņš ir Ķengaragā. Es nezinu, kā izskaidrot, tur tādas bodītes ir ļoti daudz. Es, man liekas, uzzināju no... Es gāju uz koncertu Depo, un cilvēki par to vietu stāstīja, ka tur ļoti lēti var dabūt kaut kādas kameras. S1: Kameras? S2: Jā, kameras. S1: Foto kameras? S2: Jā, man vienkārši teica Japānas kaut kādas mini kameriņas, es nezinu, par ko bija runa. Un, pieņemsim, arī uz, man liekas, uz Bērnu pasauli. Tur ir tāds tā kā thrift shop. It kā viss pa eiro, bet tagad cenas ir bišķi augstākas, tur tagad pa 2 eiro viss. S1: Ā, un tās ir lietotas lietas, ja? S2: Jā. Nē, nu, ir tā, kad es, pieņemsim, vēl Imantā, kā tā bāze saucās? Es nezinu. Nu, Imantā arī ir šis thrift shop, tā kā Sebtex, man liekas, Sebteks, jā. Nu, un tur ir mazlietotas un arī jaunas preces. Līdz ar to viņiem varbūt tā cena bišķi atšķiras no parastajiem thrift shops, bet es uzskatu, tur var atrast reālas pērles. Jo tur ir tā kā audumi, nu, audumu arī var atrast, ne tikai drēbes. Un man patīk šūt.

S1: Bet kādos vēl, tu saki thrift shops, uz kādiem vēl tu ej? S2: Es nezinu, kā īsti, bet man pie mājām ir tāds Asja? S1: Es nezinu, bet, arī vienkārši tāds humpalu veikaliņš tā kā? S2: Jā, jā. Ķengaragā arī ir, nu, tie ir tādi mazi, viņi nav tā plaši zināmi, tāpēc es zinu, ka tur mani vienaudži arī neiet. Es vienreiz uzzināju par šo, nu, mazo veikaliņu, viņš ir Ķengaragā. Es nezinu, kā izskaidrot, tur tādas bodītes ir ļoti daudz. Es, man liekas, uzzināju no... Es gāju uz koncertu Depo, un cilvēki par to vietu stāstīja, ka tur ļoti lēti var dabūt kaut kādas kameras. S1: Kameras? S2: Jā, kameras. S1: Foto kameras? S2: Jā, man vienkārši teica Japānas kaut kādas mini kameriņas, es nezinu, par ko bija runa. Un, pieņemsim, arī uz, man liekas, uz Bērnu pasauli. Tur ir tāds tā kā thrift shop. It kā viss pa eiro, bet tagad cenas ir bišķi augstākas, tur tagad pa 2 eiro viss. S1: Ā, un tās ir lietotas lietas, ja? S2: Jā. Nē, nu, ir tā, kad es, pieņemsim, vēl Imantā, kā tā bāze saucās? Es nezinu. Nu, Imantā arī ir šis thrift shop, tā kā Sebtex, man liekas, Sebteks, jā. Nu, un tur ir mazlietotas un arī jaunas preces. Līdz ar to viņiem varbūt tā cena bišķi atšķiras no parastajiem thrift shops, bet es uzskatu, tur var atrast reālas pērles. Jo tur ir tā kā audumi, nu, audumu arī var atrast, ne tikai drēbes. Un man patīk šūt.

S1: Bet kādos vēl, tu saki thrift shops, uz kādiem vēl tu ej? S2: Es nezinu, kā īsti, bet man pie mājām ir tāds Asja? S1: Es nezinu, bet, arī vienkārši tāds humpalu veikaliņš tā kā? S2: Jā, jā. Ķengaragā arī ir, nu, tie ir tādi mazi, viņi nav tā plaši zināmi, tāpēc es zinu, ka tur mani vienaudži arī neiet. Es vienreiz uzzināju par šo, nu, mazo veikaliņu, viņš ir Ķengaragā. Es nezinu, kā izskaidrot, tur tādas bodītes ir ļoti daudz. Es, man liekas, uzzināju no... Es gāju uz koncertu Depo, un cilvēki par to vietu stāstīja, ka tur ļoti lēti var dabūt kaut kādas kameras. S1: Kameras? S2: Jā, kameras. S1: Foto kameras? S2: Jā, man vienkārši teica Japānas kaut kādas mini kameriņas, es nezinu, par ko bija runa. Un, pieņemsim, arī uz, man liekas, uz Bērnu pasauli. Tur ir tāds tā kā thrift shop. It kā viss pa eiro, bet tagad cenas ir bišķi augstākas, tur tagad pa 2 eiro viss. S1: Ā, un tās ir lietotas lietas, ja? S2: Jā. Nē, nu, ir tā, kad es, pieņemsim, vēl Imantā, kā tā bāze saucās? Es nezinu. Nu, Imantā arī ir šis thrift shop, tā kā Sebtex, man liekas, Sebteks, jā. Nu, un tur ir mazlietotas un arī jaunas preces. Līdz ar to viņiem varbūt tā cena bišķi atšķiras no parastajiem thrift shops, bet es uzskatu, tur var atrast reālas pērles. Jo tur ir tā kā audumi, nu, audumu arī var atrast, ne tikai drēbes. Un man patīk šūt.

S1: Bet kādos vēl, tu saki thrift shops, uz kādiem vēl tu ej? S2: Es nezinu, kā īsti, bet man pie mājām ir tāds Asja? S1: Es nezinu, bet, arī vienkārši tāds humpalu veikaliņš tā kā? S2: Jā, jā. Ķengaragā arī ir, nu, tie ir tādi mazi, viņi nav tā plaši zināmi, tāpēc es zinu, ka tur mani vienaudži arī neiet. Es vienreiz uzzināju par šo, nu, mazo veikaliņu, viņš ir Ķengaragā. Es nezinu, kā izskaidrot, tur tādas bodītes ir ļoti daudz. Es, man liekas, uzzināju no... Es gāju uz koncertu Depo, un cilvēki par to vietu stāstīja, ka tur ļoti lēti var dabūt kaut kādas kameras. S1: Kameras? S2: Jā, kameras. S1: Foto kameras? S2: Jā, man vienkārši teica Japānas kaut kādas mini kameriņas, es nezinu, par ko bija runa. Un, pieņemsim, arī uz, man liekas, uz Bērnu pasauli. Tur ir tāds tā kā thrift shop. It kā viss pa eiro, bet tagad cenas ir bišķi augstākas, tur tagad pa 2 eiro viss. S1: Ā, un tās ir lietotas lietas, ja? S2: Jā. Nē, nu, ir tā, kad es, pieņemsim, vēl Imantā, kā tā bāze saucās? Es nezinu. Nu, Imantā arī ir šis thrift shop, tā kā Sebtex, man liekas, Sebteks, jā. Nu, un tur ir mazlietotas un arī jaunas preces. Līdz ar to viņiem varbūt tā cena bišķi atšķiras no parastajiem thrift shops, bet es uzskatu, tur var atrast reālas pērles. Jo tur ir tā kā audumi, nu, audumu arī var atrast, ne tikai drēbes. Un man patīk šūt.

Mēs arī, mēs ik pa laikam vienkārši aizbraucam uz Dobeli. Jo tur ir ļoti fantastisks divstāvīgs "second hand" "market" tāds veikals. Tur nav drēbes, bet tur ir viskaut kādi trauki, elektroiekārtas, mēbeles. Mēs vienkārši aizbraucam tā kā uz muzeju. Citi iet uz muzejiem, mēs aizejam tur, "O, vau, šitas, o, šitais, paskaties, tas kaut kāds vecais IKEA tur modelis, vai kaut kas ir vēl šitāds." Un tad mēs ejam un skatāmies, un tad mums ir tāda izklaide.

Hobson, K. (2020) ‘“Small stories of closing loops”: social circularity and the everyday circular economy’, Climatic Change, 163(1), pp. 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-019-02480-z

In recent years, the circular economy has attracted considerable scholarly and societal attention (Merli et al, 2018; Hobson, 2020). Circularity advocates – such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation (2013) – and policy documents – such as the European Commission (2020) – argue for the transition to a more circular and therefore also a more materially efficient economy (Ortega Alvarado et al, 2021). The circular economy programme sets out to break with the take-make-dispose linear economy, instead establishing a circular system in which materials are kept in circulation through ‘closed’ production and consumption loops (Hobson, 2016; Mylan et al, 2016). While much of the circular economy research focuses on production and recycling processes, typically geared towards the electronics, metal and waste management industries (Ghisellini et al, 2016; Merli et al, 2018), the role of consumers in making the circular economy possible is beginning to be acknowledged (Hobson et al, 2021).

Hobson, K. (2020) ‘“Small stories of closing loops”: social circularity and the everyday circular economy’, Climatic Change, 163(1), pp. 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-019-02480-z

A circular economy (CE) aims at decoupling value creation from waste generation and resource use [1] by radically transforming production and consumption systems [2]. Most of the literature on the circular economy seems to focus on the production side, exploring circular business models [3], strategies to develop circular value propositions [4], and the benefits of such models [5]. Less attention seems to have been paid to how consumption and consumers would affect or be affected by the circular economy [2]. As suggested by Hobson et al. [6] the circular economy might translate into significant changes in people’s everyday lives, but there seems to be little understanding of such alterations in the scientific literature, and the policies promoting the circular economy [7]. Among such changes are the

Most of the studies reviewed focussed on specific solutions such as the sharing economy and collaborative consumption (40%), PSS (24%), and remanufactured products (25%). Research addressing consumption in the context of the circular economy is scarce (10%). Although research focussing on consumers and specific solutions that contribute to closing material loops started in the mid-1990s, it has been on the rise ever since. At first, regarding consumption, researchers seem to have only worked with PSS, but remanufacturing and the sharing economy started to catch their attention after 2010. Studies investigating consumption in the specific context of the circular economy appeared for the first time in 2015.

Hobson, K. (2020) ‘“Small stories of closing loops”: social circularity and the everyday circular economy’, Climatic Change, 163(1), pp. 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-019-02480-z

Hobson, K., Holmes, H., Welch, D., Wheeler, K. and Wieser, H. (2021) ‘Consumption work in the circular economy: a research agenda’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 321, 128969. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2021.128969

In recent years, the circular economy has attracted considerable scholarly and societal attention (Merli et al, 2018; Hobson, 2020). Circularity advocates – such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation (2013) – and policy documents – such as the European Commission (2020) – argue for the transition to a more circular and therefore also a more materially efficient economy (Ortega Alvarado et al, 2021). The circular economy programme sets out to break with the take-make-dispose linear economy, instead establishing a circular system in which materials are kept in circulation through ‘closed’ production and consumption loops (Hobson, 2016; Mylan et al, 2016). While much of the circular economy research focuses on production and recycling processes, typically geared towards the electronics, metal and waste management industries (Ghisellini et al, 2016; Merli et al, 2018), the role of consumers in making the circular economy possible is beginning to be acknowledged (Hobson et al, 2021).

The transition towards a 'circular economy' has gained traction in the wake of a climate emergency and environmental crisis. As opposed to a linear take-make-dispose model, a circular economic paradigm has been touted as the solution to resource depletion and waste production by turning waste (i.e. outputs) into resources (i.e. inputs) for another production cycle. Such a transformation closes the circularity loop, which is realised via a range of R-behaviours (also called R-hierarchies or R-imperatives). Reike et al.'s (2018) hierarchy of circular R-behaviours, also called resource value retention options (ROs) include refuse (R0), reduce (R1), resell/reuse (R2), repair (R3), refurbish (R4), remanufacture (R5), repurpose (R6), recycle (material, R7), recover (energy R8) and re-mine (R9). They have divided their ten ROs into short, medium and long loops. Short loops (R0–R3) exist in proximity to the consumer. Medium loops (R4–R6) involve business networks for upgrading (e.g. refurbishing) a product that is indirectly linked to the consumer. Long loops (R7–R9) entail waste processing activities that are far removed from the consumer, with things being broken down and losing their original utility.

Our two case studies are instructive in fleshing out the intersections between sustainable materialism and circular activisms from below by illustrating (a) how material circularity loops can be shortened 'with a minimum of entropy' (Reike et al. 2018: 254) and (b) how short loops cannot be understood in isolation from longer ones.

Reading Brīvbode through Schatzki’s site ontology and Hobson’s complementary notion of generative spaces (2016) brings these framings into productive alignment. Where Schatzki names the constitutive interplay of practices and material arrangements through which a site exists, Hobson identifies the political stakes of attending to such sites in the context of circular economy debates: mainstream CE discourse has, she argues, foregrounded industrial closed-loop systems and consumer “acceptance” of practices designed by others, while obscuring “spaces where disparate forms of the CE may emerge and/or be fostered” (Hobson 2016). Brīvbode is one such space. Its generative capacity rests precisely on the multiplicity I have been describing: it does not perform a single bounded practice of freecycling but holds in working relation a configuration of divestment, acquisition, repair, sewing, sufficiency, sociality and care. Its participants are, in Hobson’s terms, designer-consumer-user-repairer citizens, and the swapshop is the kind of site that makes such hybrid roles practicable.

Hobson et al. (2021) argue that research into circular economy consumption work must “move beyond the domestic sphere and space of the household” to examine consumption-based practices in other spaces, including Repair Cafés and community-based circular economy models, whether or not these are explicitly labelled as such. Brīvbode is such a space: a semi-public site where the ordinarily private labour of divestment and acquisition becomes visible and socially acknowledged, and where volunteer labour — sorting, curating, maintaining quality standards, and managing social dynamics — sustains the infrastructure through which things continue to circulate.

Hobson, K. (2020) ‘“Small stories of closing loops”: social circularity and the everyday circular economy’, Climatic Change, 163(1), pp. 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-019-02480-z

Hobson, K., Holmes, H., Welch, D., Wheeler, K. and Wieser, H. (2021) ‘Consumption work in the circular economy: a research agenda’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 321, 128969. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2021.128969

Circular consumption requires substantial labour, and that labour is unevenly distributed. Sustainability of initiatives like Brīvbode depends on a structural condition – the sufficiency-oriented, time-rich, predominantly female volunteer and participant base that circular economy policy rarely names or supports (Hobson et al., 2021). Some of this labour is unreflexive and habituated – Aiga's inner feeling that prevents easy disposal, Marija's building logistics naturalised into her social role. Some is deliberate and effortful – Kristīne's category-by-category method, Madara working on her impulse-acquiring. Both are labour, but they are differently visible, and the unreflexive forms are the hardest to see and the hardest for policy to reach.

Reading Brīvbode through Schatzki’s site ontology and Hobson’s complementary notion of generative spaces (2016) brings these framings into productive alignment. Where Schatzki names the constitutive interplay of practices and material arrangements through which a site exists, Hobson identifies the political stakes of attending to such sites in the context of circular economy debates: mainstream CE discourse has, she argues, foregrounded industrial closed-loop systems and consumer “acceptance” of practices designed by others, while obscuring “spaces where disparate forms of the CE may emerge and/or be fostered” (Hobson 2016). Brīvbode is one such space. Its generative capacity rests precisely on the multiplicity I have been describing: it does not perform a single bounded practice of freecycling but holds in working relation a configuration of divestment, acquisition, repair, sewing, sufficiency, sociality and care. Its participants are, in Hobson’s terms, designer-consumer-user-repairer citizens, and the swapshop is the kind of site that makes such hybrid roles practicable.

Holmes, H. (2018) ‘New spaces, ordinary practices: circulating and sharing within diverse economies of provisioning’, Geoforum, 88, pp. 138–147. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.11.022

Hobson, K. (2020) ‘“Small stories of closing loops”: social circularity and the everyday circular economy’, Climatic Change, 163(1), pp. 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-019-02480-z

Hobson et al. (2021) argue that research into circular economy consumption work must “move beyond the domestic sphere and space of the household” to examine consumption-based practices in other spaces, including Repair Cafés and community-based circular economy models, whether or not these are explicitly labelled as such. Brīvbode is such a space: a semi-public site where the ordinarily private labour of divestment and acquisition becomes visible and socially acknowledged, and where volunteer labour — sorting, curating, maintaining quality standards, and managing social dynamics — sustains the infrastructure through which things continue to circulate.

Eden, S. (2017) ‘Blurring the boundaries: prosumption, circularity and online sustainable consumption through Freecycle’, Journal of Consumer Culture, 17(2), pp. 265–285. https://doi.org/10.1177/1469540515586871

Reading Brīvbode through Schatzki’s site ontology and Hobson’s complementary notion of generative spaces (2016) brings these framings into productive alignment. Where Schatzki names the constitutive interplay of practices and material arrangements through which a site exists, Hobson identifies the political stakes of attending to such sites in the context of circular economy debates: mainstream CE discourse has, she argues, foregrounded industrial closed-loop systems and consumer “acceptance” of practices designed by others, while obscuring “spaces where disparate forms of the CE may emerge and/or be fostered” (Hobson 2016). Brīvbode is one such space. Its generative capacity rests precisely on the multiplicity I have been describing: it does not perform a single bounded practice of freecycling but holds in working relation a configuration of divestment, acquisition, repair, sewing, sufficiency, sociality and care. Its participants are, in Hobson’s terms, designer-consumer-user-repairer citizens, and the swapshop is the kind of site that makes such hybrid roles practicable.

Hobson et al. (2021) argue that research into circular economy consumption work must “move beyond the domestic sphere and space of the household” to examine consumption-based practices in other spaces, including Repair Cafés and community-based circular economy models, whether or not these are explicitly labelled as such. Brīvbode is such a space: a semi-public site where the ordinarily private labour of divestment and acquisition becomes visible and socially acknowledged, and where volunteer labour — sorting, curating, maintaining quality standards, and managing social dynamics — sustains the infrastructure through which things continue to circulate.

Hobson, K. (2020) ‘“Small stories of closing loops”: social circularity and the everyday circular economy’, Climatic Change, 163(1), pp. 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-019-02480-z

Hobson, K., Holmes, H., Welch, D., Wheeler, K. and Wieser, H. (2021) ‘Consumption work in the circular economy: a research agenda’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 321, 128969. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2021.128969

We live in a context of overproduction where managing the flow of things in households becomes both a practical and a moral problem. In the case of textiles in particular, large quantities of clothing circulate through markets at increasing speed while average use time continues to decline. Circular economy policies increasingly position reuse and extended product lifetimes as solutions, yet the success of it depends on everyday practices that are labour-intensive and socially uneven (Hobson et al. 2021).

Reading Brīvbode through Schatzki’s site ontology and Hobson’s complementary notion of generative spaces (2016) brings these framings into productive alignment. Where Schatzki names the constitutive interplay of practices and material arrangements through which a site exists, Hobson identifies the political stakes of attending to such sites in the context of circular economy debates: mainstream CE discourse has, she argues, foregrounded industrial closed-loop systems and consumer “acceptance” of practices designed by others, while obscuring “spaces where disparate forms of the CE may emerge and/or be fostered” (Hobson 2016). Brīvbode is one such space. Its generative capacity rests precisely on the multiplicity I have been describing: it does not perform a single bounded practice of freecycling but holds in working relation a configuration of divestment, acquisition, repair, sewing, sufficiency, sociality and care. Its participants are, in Hobson’s terms, designer-consumer-user-repairer citizens, and the swapshop is the kind of site that makes such hybrid roles practicable.

Hobson, K. (2020) ‘“Small stories of closing loops”: social circularity and the everyday circular economy’, Climatic Change, 163(1), pp. 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-019-02480-z

Holmes, H. (2018) ‘New spaces, ordinary practices: circulating and sharing within diverse economies of provisioning’, Geoforum, 88, pp. 138–147. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.11.022

Hobson et al. (2021) argue that research into circular economy consumption work must “move beyond the domestic sphere and space of the household” to examine consumption-based practices in other spaces, including Repair Cafés and community-based circular economy models, whether or not these are explicitly labelled as such. Brīvbode is such a space: a semi-public site where the ordinarily private labour of divestment and acquisition becomes visible and socially acknowledged, and where volunteer labour — sorting, curating, maintaining quality standards, and managing social dynamics — sustains the infrastructure through which things continue to circulate.

The material outcome of one practice present in Brīvbode (domestic divestment: things arrive) is a direct resource for another (sequential acquisition: things are taken), sustaining the circularity between different households and the freeshop. Instead of starting at the “shop”, freecycling in Brīvbode can be viewed as starting with the outward flow of things no longer needed or wanted in the household and the question of what to do with them. The practice of managing this flow (what Počinkova et al. (2023) call voluntary disposal) is what brings most givers to Brīvbode. The swapshop offers them an opportunity for circulating materials as well as a way of managing attachment and detachment from things. Brīvbode is one node in the available infrastructure of divestment, and is distinguished from others by what it means to route things through it.